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Corporate political activities can bring genuine political capital to firms and are an effective way to access key resources to boost financial capital and maximize profits. These activities fall into three categories: coopting ex...
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Corporate political activities can bring genuine political capital to firms and are an effective way to access key resources to boost financial capital and maximize profits. These activities fall into three categories: coopting ex-politicians to decision-making bodies (board of directors and top management) to benefit from their social capital; lobbying to directly influence public policy; and making financial contributions to the activities of political parties and committees. This study asks the following question: what is the combined effect of two of these activities (political connections and lobbying) on the financial and accounting indicators of Canadian listed companies? We argue that engaging in corporate political activities allows firms to accumulate a type of political capital that we define as the sum of all political activities conducted by an individual company. To perform our research, we analyzed Canadian companies listed on the S P/TSX composite index from 2012 through 2016. Results show that firms with this type of political capital are generally in a better financial position than those without it. A significant correlation was found between a firm's political capital and its main sources of financing (equity and long-term debt) as well as with its ROE. Political capital has more positive impacts on key firm financial indicators than does each type of political activity on its own (synergistic effect).
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and...
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and implement political strategies to influence the public policy process though the investment of political resources. This paper focuses on answering what is perhaps the most fundamental question to strategy researchers: "How do firms engage in political strategies to improve their performance?" Design/methodology/approach - In building a theoretical framework, this paper, first, provides a historical analysis of political efficiency and effectiveness. Then, this paper attempts to illustrate conceptually our understanding of political performance process by a generalized and contingent approach. Finally, this paper discusses the framework, its theoretical contribution and practical implications for Chinese management, and comments on limitations for future research. Findings - The paper presents a conceptual CPP model that integrates political efficiency and effectiveness approach. In the conceptual framework, three phases of CPP include sources of political advantage, political competitive advantage and political performance outcome, and three dimensions are identified as political efficiency, effectiveness and adaptiveness. CPP approach is not a "generalized" nature of political performance measurement, as the difference among firms and industries in this area may be significant, which reflects the effect of context, reaction and outcome factors. Research limitations/implications - While it provides a strong theoretical foundation, this paper still has almost little empirical evidence concerning CPP process. However, how to measure CPP has increasingly begun to focus on an important research domain in corporate political strategy literature. This paper believes that this model has a need for future research to test its feasibility by using the measurement scales in Chinese context. Originality/value - This paper is original in its attempt to measure CPP to help the business practice in corporate of political activity, and broaden corporate political strategy research in mainstream strategic management.
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With surges in U.S. corporate political spending following the Supreme Court's decision on Citizens United v. FEC, this paper studies the transparency of corporate political spending. We argue that shareholder engagements aimed at...
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With surges in U.S. corporate political spending following the Supreme Court's decision on Citizens United v. FEC, this paper studies the transparency of corporate political spending. We argue that shareholder engagements aimed at improving such transparency are more successful than previously documented in the literature. Some “voluntary” disclosures by firms are the result of settled engagements. Firms with political action committees, weaker political transparency, more politically connected directors, and higher sensitivity to political uncertainty are more likely to be targeted by activist shareholders. Institutional investors, especially socially responsible investment funds, are more likely to succeed after initiating engagements. Using hand-collected public announcements of engagement outcomes, we find that the stock market reacts positively (negatively) to successful (unsuccessful) engagements in politically active firms. Moreover, increased transparency facilitates the investors’ assessment of firms’ exposure to external political risks, the monitoring of firms’ political expenditure, and tacit coordination among industry peers. Collectively, our results suggest that investors value corporate political transparency, especially in the case of politically active firms.
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Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Face...
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Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Facebook is the prime social networking site which is used by 96% of urban users, followed by Google Plus (61%), Twitter (43%) and LinkedIn (24%). This extensive use of social media by the public had attracted the attention of the politicians to use it for election campaigns and has given researchers a reason to find out how politicians are engaging the public through this platform. Influence of Social media on the electorate has been proved from its successful use in the US presidential election in 2008 and by political parties in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in India. This paper intends to explore the use of social media and its effectiveness in political elections through an extensive literature review. Social media has become an effective tool for political engagement and political participation as it is a low cost media as compared to traditional media. The low cost of this media has made it one of the main source to get information for advanced analysis and in-depth understanding of the electoral process. This paper will provide an insight to politicians, political analysts, journalists and electoral candidates regarding social media usage. The paper will also present a future research agenda to study how political parties can benefit from use of social media and change their strategies to engage workers and the voters.
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The concept of prefiguration, generally referring to the creation of an alternative society within the here and now, has proven highly productive in coming to terms with contemporary social movements, as the term 'prefigurative' i...
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The concept of prefiguration, generally referring to the creation of an alternative society within the here and now, has proven highly productive in coming to terms with contemporary social movements, as the term 'prefigurative' is used to group a number of political phenomena that share at least the sense of presenting an alternative to the problematic entanglement of capitalism and democracy. Today, the concept is rapidly crossing disciplinary boundaries, due to its perceived capacity for intersemiotic mobilization, and has consequently come to serve as an important reference point in discussions of translation as an activist practice. This article draws upon the present-day political as well as historical theological usage of 'prefiguration' to examine the concept's circulation in translation studies, which covers a number of distinct but interrelated phenomena concerning the process as well as product of translation. In this context, prefiguration is shown to depend upon performative declarations of equivalence between signs and social practices. Ultimately reversing the suggestion of translation as a potential site of prefiguration, I argue that prefiguration is fundamentally a trope of translatability.
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This article responds to Professor Barley's address in which he said that corporations have inordinate power relative to other groups in society because of their superior resources and relationships with political actors. The arti...
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This article responds to Professor Barley's address in which he said that corporations have inordinate power relative to other groups in society because of their superior resources and relationships with political actors. The article provides data on lobbying and political campaign contributions to show that corporations are dominant in resources, although nonbusiness interest groups actively use the same political activities. Also reviewed are prior studies showing that large corporations share intimate social networks with high-ranking public policy officials, leading to many benefits, including political power. The article provides conjecture that six conditions exist often enough to check the absolute dominance of corporate interests in public policy outcomes. The article indicates that contemporary organizational researchers have largely focused on the private benefits of corporate political activities and in turn have neglected to study the public economic, social, and political effects of such activities.
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This article focuses on one particular dimension of psychopolitics: that which manifests itself in the personal contents or materials clients bring into psychotherapy. It seems that many psychotherapists find themselves struggling...
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This article focuses on one particular dimension of psychopolitics: that which manifests itself in the personal contents or materials clients bring into psychotherapy. It seems that many psychotherapists find themselves struggling when faced with political issues which come up in psychotherapy, both overtly and covertly. Many psychotherapists find value in clarifying political aspects of clients’ lives and psychotherapy itself, but are hesitant to touch upon this loaded issue or do not know how to approach it. The present article seeks to formulate a theoretical basis for politically-conscious therapy, as well guiding principles that help to implement this position.
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This paper investigates how firms' political capabilities and countries' political structures affect firms' lobbying decision. We use a cross-country, firm-level dataset that covers more than 22,013 firms in 46 countries to discov...
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This paper investigates how firms' political capabilities and countries' political structures affect firms' lobbying decision. We use a cross-country, firm-level dataset that covers more than 22,013 firms in 46 countries to discover that a firm's individual- and collective-level political capabilities are positively associated with lobbying. In contrast, the degree of checks and balances among bureaucrats in a country's political market is negatively associated with the firm's possibility of lobbying. Finally, we also find that the positive role of a firm's political capabilities in lobbying is mitigated by the degree of checks and balances among bureaucrats. This study contributes to the literature of corporate political activities by filling the research gaps (1) as considering both horizontal and vertical checks and balances among bureaucrats in political markets, and (2) as simultaneously considering firms' individual and collective political capabilities, by taking one more conceptual step on the literature of contingent dynamic capabilities and lobbying.
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Physicians have no privileged insight as to the content of social justice, a highly controversial concept. Whatever their views as to how far health care should be conducted as a public rather than as a private activity, or as to ...
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Physicians have no privileged insight as to the content of social justice, a highly controversial concept. Whatever their views as to how far health care should be conducted as a public rather than as a private activity, or as to how far collective resources collected for public purposes should be devoted to health care for one societal group rather than for another, these views do not deserve any special respect on account of the professional identity of those who hold them. On such political questions, physicians speak with no more authority than any other citizen. And they are exactly the questions to which Tilburt's position implies there are professionally determined answers that physicians must champion in the political arena. Claiming a professional imprimatur for physician opinions on such matters or valuing their expression as a sign of professional virtue is to mistake ordinary politics for professional work and, in so doing, to degrade both. Pretending that professional norms mandate a political position is to misleadingly lend the profession's authority to disputable political goals. And turning politics into professional work gives aid and comfort to those who would problematize such work by viewing it primarily as a vehicle for power seeking or power wielding.
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This article confronts some of the difficulties that temporality poses for the study of digital politics. Where previous articles have discussed the unique methodological challenges for digital politics research - centrally, that ...
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This article confronts some of the difficulties that temporality poses for the study of digital politics. Where previous articles have discussed the unique methodological challenges for digital politics research - centrally, that we face ceteris paribus problems when attempting to study how people use a medium that is itself still being developed - this article addresses the underlying subject of temporality itself. It offers two distinct provocations. First, it discusses what we are ignoring when we discuss Internet politics in terms of an overarching "digital age" or "digital era." Conceptualizing a uniform digital age in contraposition to previous media regimes is an easy heuristic crutch, but it comes at the cost of rendering key features of the sociotechnical system invisible. Second, the article distinguishes temporal rhythm from the more common concepts of linear and cyclical time. Particularly in the areas of contentious politics and media politics - areas that are central to the topics covered in this special issue - some of the core changes in institutional processes can be understood as a breakdown of routinized temporal processes. The article then offers suggestions for how digital politics scholars can better incorporate temporal concepts into our research.
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